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Skokomish Indian Tribe

Skokomish Indian Tribe



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Comprising nearly 5,000 wooded and marshy acres, the Skokomish Indian Reservation lies on the Skokomish River delta, where it empties into Hood Canal on the Olympic Peninsula in Washington. It lies between the Mason County cities of Shelton and Hoodsport.The aboriginal name of the Skokomish tribal members was Twana, which referred to a larger population that lived in the Hood Canal drainage before contact with Europeans and the creation of the reservation. It was but one of nine bands that shared a region, culture and language. The Twana language, or tuwaduqutSid, is a southern Puget Sound dialect of the Salish language family.Like the other Twana bands, the basic social unit of the Skokomish was the extended family, which might include relatives from other villages, or even members of bands outside the Twana area. Villages consisted of one or more such families.The Skokomish led a nomadic mode of existence, using movable warm weather camps, then regrouping in permanent cold weather villages. Their hunting grounds reached to the Olympic Mountains in the west, and south to the neighboring Sahewamish tribe's main village, which is present-day Shelton. They also gathered plant foods.History records the Skokomishs' initial encounter with European culture in 1792. The Skokomish were hit with a withering smallpox epidemic that claimed the lives of numerous members.In the 1800s, the growing hegemony of the white culture, hungry for land and other resources as it moved westward, exerted tremendous pressure on indigenous cultures. It was ratified by Congress on April 29, 1859, then expanded by a presidential executive order on February 25, 1874.Beginning at the turn of the century, the Skokomish confronted a number of fresh difficulties:

  • At around 1900, a businessman from Tacoma, Washington, procured land at the mouth of the Skokomish River. Earthmoving that followed destroyed such plant species as the sweetgrass prized by Skokomish women for their basketry.
  • Meanwhile, the State of Washington's jurisdictional claims over tidelands seriously limited the tribe's subsistence shellfish gathering tradition.
  • Between 1926 and 1930, the City of Tacoma erected two dams on the Skokomish River's north fork, which resulted in increased limitations on the tribe's saltwater access and the ruination of significant cultural sites.
  • Lastly, a choice shoreline tract was used by the state to create Potlatch State Park in 1960.
  • All of the foregoing provoked the Skokomish to file land claims in the courts. In 1965, compensation in the amount of $374,000 would be earmarked by the tribe to purchase a fish processing facility, as well as tribal housing. On the strength of treaty guarantees, the tribe also successfully regained fishing rights as a result of the historic Boldt Decision (1974), which ruled that 50 percent of the season's harvest would be reserved for them as well as other Northwest tribes.Years of flooding on tribal lands damaged numerous community buildings, businesses and homes, as well as highways and smaller roads. Responding to the impacts, the tribe dedicated a 338-acre tract in 2003 to a significant economic and community development effort involving a new community center and housing complex.


    See Indian Wars.
    See also Native American Cultural Regions map.


    Twana

    Twana is the collective name for a group of nine Coast Salish peoples in the northern-mid Puget Sound region, most of whom are extinct or are now subsumed into other groups and organized tribes. The Skokomish are the main surviving group and self-identify as the Twana today. The language spoken by these peoples is closely related to Lushootseed and is also called Twana.

    The nine groups were known by their locations, the nine groups were the Dabop, Quilcene ("salt-water people"), Dosewallips, Duckabush, Hoodsport, Skokomish (Skoko'bsh), Vance Creek, Tahuya, and Duhlelap (Tule'lalap). [1] Of these nine sub-communities of Twana, by 1860 there were 33 settlements in total, of which the Skokomish were the largest. [2] [3] [4] [5] Most descendants of all groups now are part of the Skokomish Tribal Nation and live on the Skokomish Indian Reservation at Skokomish, Washington. [6] The reason they all are there at the one location is that they were all forced to move to Skokomish after the Point No Point Treaty in 1855. [7]


    Contents

    Below is a list of some, but not all, of the Coast Salish-speaking tribes and nations located in British Columbia, Washington and Oregon.

    • The Cowichan designation is derived from the name of one of several groups forming the Cowichan Tribes band government, the Quwutsun. In the 19th century this term, or the variant "Cowidgin," was applied to all Halkomelem-speaking groups and certain others such as the Skwxwu7mesh and Semiahmoo. On Vancouver Island and the Gulf Islands, other "Cowichan" groups include the Penelakut, Lyackson and Lamalcha.
    • MÁLEXEŁ - Malahat First Nation
    • BOḰEĆEN – Pauquachin
    • SȾÁ,UTW̱ – Tsawout
    • W̱JOȽEȽP – Tsartlip
    • W̱SÍḴEM – Tseycum First Nation[1]
      (Whidbey Island Skagits)

    The history of Coast Salish peoples presented here provides an overview from a primarily United States perspective. Coast Salish peoples in British Columbia have had similar economic experience, although their political and treaty experience has been different—occasionally dramatically so.

    Evidence has been found from c. 3000 BCE of an established settlement at Xa:ytem (Hatzic Rock) near Mission, British Columbia. [2] Early occupancy of c̓əsnaʔəm (Marpole Midden) is evident from c. 2000 BCE – 450 CE, and lasting at least until around the late 1800s, when smallpox and other diseases affected the inhabitants. [3] [4] Other notable early settlements that record has been found of include prominent villages along the Duwamish River estuary dating back to the 6th century CE, which remained continuously inhabited until sometime in the later 18th century. [5] Boulder walls were constructed for defensive and other purposes along the Fraser Canyon [6] in the 15th century.

    Early European contact with Coast Salish peoples dates back to exploration of the Strait of Georgia in 1791 by Juan Carrasco and José María Narváez, [7] as well as brief contact with the Vancouver expedition by the Squamish people in 1792. In 1808, Simon Fraser of the North West Company entered Coast Salish territories via the Fraser Canyon and met various groups until reaching tidewater on the Fraser's North Arm, where he was attacked and repelled by Musqueam warriors. Throughout the 1810s, coastal fur trade extended further with infrequent shipping.

    The establishment of Fort Vancouver in 1824 was important as it established a regular site of interaction with Clackamas, Multnomah, and Cascades Chinooks, as well as interior Klickitat, Cowlitz, Kalapuya. Parties from the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), led by John Work, travelled the length of the central and south Georgia Strait-Puget Sound.

    From the 1810s through 1850s, Coast Salish groups of Georgia Strait and Puget Sound experienced raiding by northern peoples, particularly the Euclataws and Haida.

    In 1827, HBC established Fort Langley east of present-day Vancouver, B.C. Whattlekainum, principal chief of the Kwantlen people, moved most of his people from Qiqayt (Brownsville) across the river from what was to become New Westminster to Kanaka Creek, near the Fort, for security and to dominate trade with the Fort. European contact and trade began accelerating significantly, primarily with the Fraser River Salish (Sto:lo).

    Fort Nisqually and its farm were established in 1833 by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company a subsidiary of the HBC, between present-day Olympia and Tacoma, Washington. Contact and trade began accelerating significantly with the southern Coast Salish. Significant social change and change in social structures accelerates with increasing contact. Initiative remained with Native traders until catastrophic population decline. Native traders and Native economy were not particularly interested or dependent upon European trade or tools. Trade goods were primarily luxuries such as trade blankets, ornamentation, guns and ammunition. The HBC monopoly did not condone alcohol, but freebooter traders were under no compunction. [8]

    Catholic missionaries arrive in Puget Sound around 1839–1840 interest diminished by 1843, and Methodist missionaries were in the area from 1840 to 1842 but had no success.

    The Stevens Treaties were negotiated in 1854–55, but many tribes had reservations and did not participate others dropped out of treaty negotiations. (See, for example, Treaty of Point Elliott#Native Americans and # Non-signatory tribes.) From 1850 to 1854, the Douglas Treaties were signed on Vancouver Island between various Coast Salish peoples around Victoria and Nanaimo, and also with two Kwakwaka'wakw groups on northern Vancouver Island. The Muckleshoot Reservation was established after the Puget Sound War of 1855–56.

    Through the 1850s and 1860s, traditional resources became less and less available. Sawmill work and employment selling natural resources began Native men worked as loggers, in the mills, and as commercial fishers. Women sold basketry and shellfish. Through the 1870s, agricultural work in hop yards of the east Sound river valley increased, including cultivation of mushrooms. [9] The 1862 Pacific Northwest smallpox epidemic killed many, and commercial fisheries employment began to decline significantly through the 1880s.

    After legislation amending the Indian Act was passed the previous year, in 1885 the potlatch was banned in Canada it was banned in the US some years later. [10] This suppression ended in the US in 1934, and in 1951 in Canada. Some potlatching became overt immediately. [11] A resurgence of tribal culture began in the 1960s national Civil Rights movements engendered civil action for treaty rights.

    Chief Dan Georges delivered a pivotal speech in 1967 on what had happened to his people. This riveted audiences at a Canadian Centennial ceremony in Vancouver's Empire Stadium and touched off public awareness and native activism in BC and Canada. By this point, through the 1960s and 1970s, employment in commercial fisheries had greatly declined employment in logging and lumber mills also declined significantly with automation, outsourcing, and the decline in available resources through the 1980s.

    The Boldt Decision, passed in 1974 upheld by the Supreme Court in 1979 was, based on the Treaty of Point Elliott of 1855 and restored fisheries rights to federally recognized Puget Sound tribes.

    Since the 1970s, many federally recognized tribes have developed some economic autonomy with (initially strongly contested) tax-free tobacco retail, development of casino gambling, fisheries and stewardship of fisheries. Extant tribes not federally recognized continue ongoing legal proceedings and cultural development toward recognition. [12] In British Columbia, 1970 marks the start of organized resistance to the "white paper" tabled by Jean Chrétien, then a cabinet ministry in the government of Pierre Trudeau, which called for assimilation. In the wake of that, new terms such as Sto:lo, Shishalh and Snuneymuxw began to replace older-era names conferred by anthropologists, linguists and governments.

    Population Edit

    The first smallpox epidemic to hit the region was in the 1680s, with the disease travelling overland from Mexico by intertribal transmission. [13] Among losses due to diseases, and a series of earlier epidemics that had wiped out many peoples entirely, e.g. the Snokomish in 1850, a smallpox epidemic broke out among the Northwest tribes in 1862, killing roughly half the affected native populations, in some cases up to 90% or more. The smallpox epidemic of 1862 started when an infected miner from San Francisco stopped in Victoria on his way to the Cariboo Gold Rush. [14] As the epidemic spread, police, supported by gunboats, forced thousands of First Nations people living in encampments around Victoria to leave and many returned to their home villages which spread the epidemic. Some consider the decision to force First Nations people to leave their encampments an intentional act of genocide. [15] Mean population decline 1774–1874 was about 66%. [16] Though the Salish peoples together are less numerous than the Cherokee or Navajo, the numbers shown below represent a small fraction of the group.

    • Pre-epidemics about 12,600 Lushootseed about 11,800, Twana about 800.
    • 1850: about 5,000.
    • 1885: less than 2,000, probably not including all the off-reservation populations.
    • 1984: sum total about 18,000 Lushootseed census 15,963 Twana 1,029. [9]
    • 2013: an estimate of at least 56,590, made up of 28,406 Status Indians registered to Coast Salish bands in British Columbia, and 28,284 enrolled members of Coast Salish Tribes in Washington state.

    Social organization Edit

    External Edit

    Neighboring peoples, whether villages or adjacent tribes, were related by marriage, feasting, ceremonies, and common or shared territory. Ties were especially strong within the same waterway or watershed. There existed no breaks throughout the south Coast Salish culture area and beyond. There existed no formal political institutions. [17]

    External relations were extensive throughout most of the Puget Sound-Georgia Basin and east to the Sahaptin-speaking lands of Chelan, Kittitas and Yakama in what is now Eastern Washington. Similarly in Canada there were ties between the Skwxwumesh and Sto:lo with Interior Salish neighbours, i.e. the Lil'wat/St'at'imc, Nlaka'pamux and Syilx.

    There was little political organization. [18] No formal political office existed. Warfare for the southern Coast Salish was primarily defensive, with occasional raiding into territory where there were no relatives. No institutions existed for mobilizing or maintaining a standing force.

    The common enemies of all the Coast Salish for most of the first half of the 19th century were the Lekwiltok aka Southern Kwakiutl, commonly known in historical writings as the Euclataws or Yucultas. Regular raids by northern tribes, particularly an alliance between the Haida, Tongass, and one group of Tsimshian, are also notable. With earlier access to European guns through the fur trade, they raided for slaves and loot. Their victims organized retaliatory raids several times, attacking the Lekwiltok. [19]

    Internal Edit

    The highest-ranking male assumed the role of ceremonial leader but rank could vary and was determined by different standards. [18] Villages were linked through intermarriage among members the wife usually went to live at the husband's village. Society was divided into upper class, lower class and slaves, all largely hereditary. [18] Nobility was based on genealogy, intertribal kinship, wise use of resources, and possession of esoteric knowledge about the workings of spirits and the world — making an effective marriage of class, secular, religious, and economic power. Many Coast Salish mothers altered the appearance of their free-born by carefully shaping the heads of their babies, binding them with cradle boards just long enough to produce a steep sloping forehead. [20]

    Unlike hunter-gatherer societies widespread in North America, but similar to other Pacific Northwest coastal cultures, Coast Salish society was complex, hierarchical and oriented toward property and status.

    Slavery was practiced, although its extent is a matter of debate. [21] The Coast Salish held slaves as simple property and not as members of the tribe. The children of slaves were born into slavery. [22]

    The staple of their diet was typically salmon, supplemented with a rich variety of other seafoods and forage. This was particularly the case for the southern Coast Salish where the climate was even more temperate. [23]

    The art of the Coast Salish has been interpreted and incorporated into contemporary art in British Columbia and the Puget Sound area. [ citation needed ]

    Bilateral kinship within the Skagit people is the most important system being defined as a carefully knit, and sacred bond within the society. When both adult siblings die, their children would be brought under the protection of surviving brothers and sisters out of fear of mistreatment by stepparents. [24]

    The Salish Sea region of the Northwest coast has hosted ancient pieces of art appearing by 4500 BP that features various Salish styles. A seated human feature bowl was used in a female puberty ritual in Secwepemc territory which helps women give birth. [25] Salish made bowls in the Northwest have different artistic designs and features. There are many bowls that have basic designs with animal features on the surface. Similar bowls will have more decorations including a head, body, wings, and limbs. A seated figure bowl is more complex in design depicting humans being intertwined with animals. [26]

    Northwest coast Salish people valued material possessions above most things. Material wealth according to natives within the Northwest included things such as land, food resources, household items, and adornments. Material wealth not only improved one's life but it increased other qualities such as that was needed to acquire high status. Wealth was required to enhance their status as elite born, or through practical skills, and ritual knowledge. [27] An individual could not buy status or power, while wealth could be used to enhance them. Wealth was not meant to be hidden and is publicly displayed through ceremony.

    Recreation Edit

    Games often involved gambling on a sleight-of-hand game known as slahal, as well as athletic contests. Games that are similar to modern day lacrosse, rugby and forms of martial arts also existed. [28]

    Beliefs Edit

    Belief in guardian spirits and shapeshifting or transformation between human and animal spirits were widely shared in myriad forms. The relations of soul or souls, and conceptions of the lands of the living and the dead were complex and mutable. Vision quest journeys involving other states of consciousness were varied and widely practised. The Duwamish had a soul recovery and journey ceremony [19] and legends. They also had many ceremonies and celebrations.

    The Quileute Salish people near the Port Townsend area had their own beliefs about where souls of all living things go. The shamans of these people believed everything had five components to its spirit the body, an inner and outer soul, its life force, and its ghost. [29] : 106 It is believed that an individual becomes ill when their soul is removed from their body and is followed by death when it reaches the underworld. It is the job of the Shaman to travel to the underworld to save the individual by recovering the soul while it is travelling between the two worlds. [29] : 106

    The Shamans believed that once the individual's body is dead it is able to connect with its soul and shade in the underworld. It is believed that the spirits are able to come back amongst the living and cause family members to die of sickness and join them in the afterlife. Living individuals were terrified of the intentions of the spirits who only appear during the night, prompting Salish people to travel during the day and staying close to others for protection. [29] : 106 Coastal Salish beliefs describe the journey to the underworld as a two-day adventure. The individual must walk along a trail passing through bushes and a lake to reach a valley that is divided by a river where they will reside. [29] : 107 Salish belief of the afterlife very closely resembles the past life they lived often assigning themselves to jobs to keep busy, hunt for animals and game, and live with their families.

    Coastal Salish people believe that through dances, masks, or ceremonies they express themselves through the spiritual powers that they are given. Spirit powers define a community's success through leadership, warriordom, healing, or artistry. Spirit dancing ceremonies are common gatherings during the winter for members of the community to show their spirit powers through song, or dance. [30] : 31 The powers they acquired were sought after individually after going through trials of isolation where their powers relate to spirit animals such as a raven, woodpecker, bear, or seal. Oftentimes members of the community will get together to show their powers at the longhouse floor, where the spiritual powers are for the individual alone for each member to share and display various songs. [30] : 31

    Architecture Edit

    Villages of the Coast Salish typically consisted of Western Red Cedar split plank and earthen floor longhouses providing habitation for forty or more people, usually a related extended family. Also used by many groups were pit-houses, known in the Chinook Jargon as kekuli (see Quiggly holes). The villages were typically located near navigable water for easy transportation by dugout canoe. Houses that were part of the same village sometimes stretched for several miles along a river or watercourse.

    The interior walls of longhouses were typically lined with sleeping platforms. Storage shelves above the platforms held baskets, tools, clothing, and other items. Firewood was stored below the platforms. Mattresses and cushions were constructed from woven reed mats and animals skins. Food was hung to dry from the ceiling. The larger houses included partitions to separate families, as well as interior fires with roof slats that functioned as chimneys. [ citation needed ]

    The wealthy built extraordinarily large longhouses. The Suquamish Oleman House (Old Man House) at what became the Port Madison Reservation was 152 x 12–18 m (500 x 40–60 ft), c. 1850. The gambrel roof was unique to Puget Sound Coast Salish. [31]

    The Salish later took to constructing rock walls at strategic points near the Fraser River Canyon, along the Fraser River. These Salish Defensive Sites are rock wall features constructed by Coast Salish peoples. [32] One was excavated by Kisha Supernant in 2008 at Yale, British Columbia. [33] The functions of these features may have included defense, fishing platforms, and creation of house terraces. House pits and stone tools have been found in association with certain sites. Methods used include use of a total station for mapping the sites as well as the creation of simple test pits to probe for stratigraphy and artifacts.

    Native groups along the Northwest coast have been using plants for making wood and fiber artifacts for over 10,500 years. Anthropologists are searching for aquifer wet sites that would contain ancient Salish villages. These sites are created by a series of waters running through the archaeological deposits creating an environment with no oxygen that preserves wood and fiber [34] The wet sites would typically contain perishable artifacts that were used as wedges, fishhooks, basketry, cordage, and nets.

    Ethnobotany Edit

    They use the leaves of Carex to make baskets and twine. [35]

    Diet Edit

    Coast Salish peoples' had complex land management practices linked to ecosystem health and resilience. Forest gardens on Canada's northwest coast included crabapple, hazelnut, cranberry, wild plum, and wild cherry species. [36]

    Anthropogenic grasslands were maintained. The south Coast Salish may have had more vegetables and land game than people farther north or among other peoples on the outer coast. Salmon and other fish were staples see Coast Salish people and salmon. There was kakanee, a freshwater fish in the Lake Washington and Lake Sammamish watersheds. Shellfish were abundant. Butter clams, horse clams, and cockles were dried for trade.

    Hunting was specialized professions were probably sea hunters, land hunters, fowlers. Water fowl were captured on moonless nights using strategic flares.

    The managed grasslands not only provided game habitat, but vegetable sprouts, roots, bulbs, berries, and nuts were foraged from them as well as found wild. The most important were probably bracken and camas wapato especially for the Duwamish. Many, many varieties of berries were foraged some were harvested with comblike devices not reportedly used elsewhere. Acorns were relished but were not widely available. Regional tribes went in autumn to the Nisqually Flats (Nisqually plains) to harvest them. [23]

    Salish groups such as Muckleshoot were heavily reliant on seasonal foods that included animals and plants. In January, they would gather along the river banks to catch salmon. By May, Salmonberry sprouts would be eaten with salmon eggs. Men would hunt deer and elk, while women gathered camas and clams from the prairies and beaches. By the summer, steelhead and king salmon appeared in masses along the rivers, and berries were abundant in the forests. [37]

    Legends of Vancouver by Canadian author E. Pauline Johnson (Tekahionwake) is a collection of Coast Salish "as told-to" narratives, stemming from the author's relationship to Squamish Chief Joe Capilano. It first appeared in 1911, now available online from UPenn Digital Library.

    Victoria, British Columbia author Stanley Evans has written a series of mysteries featuring a Coast Salish character, Silas Seaweed, from the fictitious "Mohawt Bay Band," who works as an investigator with the Victoria Police Department. [38]

    In the third episode of the first season of the FX TV show, Taboo, Tom Hardy's character James Delaney visits his mother's grave and on the bottom of the grave marker it says, "Salish". [ why? ]

    In the 13th Episode of the second season of the TV series Stargate SG-1 ('Spirits'), the protagonists encounter some Coast Salish people whose ancestors were transplanted to another planet.

    The use of the term Coast Salish, and its association with an attribute of nationhood, has increasingly become resisted, as that notion of a ‘national’ grouping is not a traditional part of the culture of Salish communities in this area, and as the term derives more from anthropology than community self-description. The phenomenon replacing this terminology is increasingly to indicate the specific tribe in question, or otherwise to use terms not given by non-Indigenous entities. [39]


    Skokomish Tribe v. Jamestown S'Klallam Tribe, No. 17-35760 (9th Cir. 2019)

    The Ninth Circuit affirmed the district court's grant of summary judgment against the Skokomish Tribe and in favor of respondents, in an action concerning which tribe had primary fishing rights within an already recognized "usual and accustomed" (U&A) territory. In United States v. Washington, Judge Boldt issued a permanent injunction, which granted tribal fishing rights, outlining the geography of the U&A locations of all the signatory tribes.

    The panel affirmed the district court's summary judgment order on the ground that the Skokomish failed to comply with the Boldt Decision's pre-filing jurisdictional requirements. The court held that a failure to abide by the pre-filing requirements was a failure to invoke the jurisdiction of this court. Therefore, the panel lacked the ability to proceed to the merits.

    Disclaimer: Justia Annotations is a forum for attorneys to summarize, comment on, and analyze case law published on our site. Justia makes no guarantees or warranties that the annotations are accurate or reflect the current state of law, and no annotation is intended to be, nor should it be construed as, legal advice. Contacting Justia or any attorney through this site, via web form, email, or otherwise, does not create an attorney-client relationship.


    Skokomish Indian Tribe

    Official Tribal Name: Skokomish Indian Tribe

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    Recognition Status: Federally Recognized

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    Formerly known as the Skokomish Indian Tribe of the Skokomish Reservation

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    Traditional Territory:

    Confederacy: Salish

    Reservation: Skokomish Reservation

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    Population at Contact:

    Registered Population Today:

    Tribal Enrollment Requirements:

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    Hon. Denny Hurtado (Skokomish Tribe)

    Denny Hurtado is former chairman of the Skokomish Tribal Council. Hurtado is former Director of Native Education for Washington State’s Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction, in which capacity he served for 17 years. Previously, he was the Upward Bound Director at the Evergreen State College for nearly seven years. From 1978 to 1991, he was a commercial fisherman and teacher. Hurtado has served on the Skokomish Tribal Council for 19 years. He has held the positions of chairman, vice-chairman, and general council president.

    Hurtado has spent the past three decades struggling to end the environmental, cultural, and economic devastation inflicted on the Skokomish River and the Skokomish people by the City of Tacoma’s Cushman Hydroelectric Project. Hurtado was the plaintiff in the Skokomish Tribe’s lawsuit against the City of Tacoma, Skokomish Indian Tribe, et. al. versus the United States of America, et. al., Case No. C099-5606. As a result of the case, state of Washington schools are now required to educate students grades K-12 about the tribes closest to their communities. Students learn about tribal government and history issues that are statewide in nature – of course including the long and heartbreaking history of conquest, treaties, forced removal of Indian children to boarding schools, but also, the recent and inspiring renaissance of tribal culture, sovereign government, and civil rights.

    Hurtado received a Bachelor’s degree in Social Science and a lifetime secondary teaching credential from the California State University at Sacramento. He received a Master’s degree in School Administration from the California State University at Humboldt. In 2014, he received the Charles E. Odegaard award, which honors individuals whose leadership in the community exemplifies the former University of Washington president’s work on behalf of diversity.

    In this Section

    nni(at)email.arizona.edu
    We respectfully acknowledge the University of Arizona is on the land and territories of Indigenous peoples. Today, Arizona is home to 22 federally-recognized tribes, with Tucson being home to the O’odham and the Yaqui. Committed to diversity and inclusion, the University strives to build sustainable relationships with sovereign Native Nations and Indigenous communities through education offerings, partnerships, and community service.


    The name has been used since 1850 to refer to indigenous peoples living along the Stillaguamish River. In 1855, they used the name Stoluck-wa-mish River Tribe, which is how they sign the Point Elliott Treaty. [1]

    The Stillaguamish Tribe's trust lands are located in Snohomish County, Washington. [1] The tribe was granted a 64-acre (26 ha) reservation by the federal government in 2014, including the Angel of the Winds Casino Resort. [5]

    The Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians is headquartered in Arlington, Washington. They ratified their constitution on 31 January 1953. The tribe is governed by a six-member, democratically elected Board of Directors. The current tribal administration(2016) is as follows:

    • Chairman: Shawn Yanity
    • Vice Chairman: Eric White
    • Treasurer: Tara Smith
    • Secretary: Trisha Pecor
    • Member: Sara Thitipraserth
    • Member: Stacy White. [6]

    The tribe petitioned the US federal government for federal recognition in 1974 it was granted on 7 February 1979. [1]

    English is commonly spoken by the tribe. Formerly tribal members spoke Lushootseed, a Central Salish language. The language is written in the Latin script and a dictionary and grammar have been written in the Lushootseed. [2]

    The Stillaguamish Tribal Business Development Department develops and works in partnership with the Board of Directors for the tribe's businesses that include Banksavers Nursery and Landscaping, River Rock Tobacco and Fuel Station and the Angel of the Winds Casino, all located in Arlington. [7] [8]


    Archaeolink.com

    Culture and History of the Skokomish Tribe __ "What is now known as the Skokomish Tribe actually was primarily composed of Twana Indians, a Salishan people whose aboriginal territory encompassed the Hood Canal drainage basin in western Washington State." A good overview of Skokomish history and culture. - illustrated - From hood.hctc.com - http://hood.hctc.com/

    Skokomish __ An encyclopedic entry with links to related materials. - illustrated - From nativewiki.org - http://www.nativewiki.org/Skokomish

    Skokomish Indians __ "Skokomish, also known as the Twana, are a Native American tribe in western Washington state in the United States." Encyclopedic article with links to related materials. - From wikipedia - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twana

    Skokomish Tribal Nation ___Official tribal website with information about history and current information including fisheries, natural resources and administration. - Illustrated - From the Skokomish Tribal Nation - http://www.skokomish.org/

    The Skokomish Tribal Nation __ Skokomish Nation home page. ""To promote, for present and future generations, an independent, sovereign nation that preserves the traditional values, and treaty rights of the Twana people. The Skokomish Tribal Council will provide leadership to create a self-sufficient Skokomish Nation, owned and controlled by members who are grounded in their culture, addiction free, knowledgeable." - illustrated - From hood.hctc.com - http://hood.hctc.com/

    Skokomish Tribal Nation - Corporate Charter Document __ Full text of Skokomish charter. - From skokomish.org - http://www.skokomish.org/SkokConstitution&Codes/Constitution/CorpCharter.htm

    Skokomish Tribe Historic Preservation Office __ "Functioning under the authority of Section 101(d)(2) of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) and Resolution 00-63(78) of the Skokomish Tribal Council, the Skokomish Tribal Historic Preservation Office (STHPO)." Learn about their activities and goals in this brief overview. - illustrated - From hood.hctc.com - http://hood.hctc.com/

    Twana language __ A very brief look at the Twana language. - From wikipedia - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twana_language

    Twana Language and the Twana/Skokomish Indian Tribes __ "Twana was a Salishan language of Washington state. The last native speaker of Twana died in 1980, but other elders remember something of the language and some Skokomish people today are working to revive their language again." A few articles about the Twana language as well as other resources about the Skokomish. - From native-languages.org - http://www.native-languages.org/twana.htm


    Talk:Skokomish people

    my understanding is that the Skokomish and other Twana peoples were NOT along the puget sound and were all around hood canal. the edge between the puget and hood canal watersheds seems to be the language and cultural boarder.

    A fellow contributor to the Chinook Jargon article posted a source for the Skokomish name I hadn't heard before: that it's composed of skookum + -ish - meaning "brave/strong/stalwart people". I'd always thought that the name came from their relocation to the Skokomish River, which as far as I understand it is the remaining length of the Snohomish River after it meets the Skykomish River. Don't know my Washington history/name-source stuff to know any better the -ish ending is vaguely Salishan for "people" (usually -mx, -mc or ??) but I can't think of any other Chinookisms that have this ending. Comments?Skookum1 00:10, 21 May 2006 (UTC) *The ending is "-mish" for "people" - no? https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skokomish_River

    And here is the Skokomish Nation's official website: http://www.skokomish.org/

    The book "Washington State Place Names", by James W. Phillips (2nd ed. 1972, U.W.Press, ISBN) contradicts the etymology skokom + ish that I posted in Chinook Jargon. Phillips (p.132) writes: Name of the area's resident Indian tribe is based on two of their dialect words — s'kaw, meaning "fresh water", and mish meaning "people". I still think that skokom+ish = "strong people" is correct, but that's because I've been familiar with that from childhood. I and the family member who taught me could easily be wrong. However, I must point out that the the Skokomish River is on the opposite side of Puget Sound from the Skykomish River, which on my maps feeds into what is now called the Snoqualmie River, which runs past the town of Snohomish (which may originally have been a name for the river, also). (Note that this is an easy mistake: it's frequently the case that Washington State place names sound very similar, but are for different features in different places.) Tom Lougheed 01:41, 21 May 2006 (UTC)

    That was my confusion Snoqualmie + Skykomish = Snohomish River, for its last few miles before the sea the confluence is somewhere southeast of Everett, between there and Snohomish I think. And I'll go with your attestion you can't cite original research, but I can cite you (being a chinook studies kinda guy, i.e. not credentialed but familiar enough to go OK, there's a Puget Sound usage/adaptaton that's not recorded in Shaw/Gibbs.Skookum1 03:46, 21 May 2006 (UTC)

    BTW the -mish ending, or things like it, in the Salishan languages I'm half-famliar with (from placenames mostly) means "wind", as in Squamish - "big wind", apparently, and yeah, the head of Howe Sound is like the Columbia Gorge for howling wind and big waves. Not sure about Samish and Samamish because they're across the line. The "people" ending tends to be -mcw/-mxw (-emc in Secwepemc, -imc in St'at'imc, -mux in Nlaka'pamux (not so with Comox, which is from the Chinook Jargon for "dog" - which these people apparently were known for having many of, and like other tribes in the region bred them for food and wool that breed is now extinct and in Comox the -mox ending is from Chinookan, which is entirely unrelated but does mean "creature/being" or something to that effect), or at least the -ox/-ooks ending is (Pasiooks=French "cloth people", as they came trading cloth, and dressed in it). Oh, just to clarify, the Comox were Salishan, but their name is from the Chinook Jargon there is a Comox language spelling of it K'omox, and I don't know where the accent goes, but's quite common for BC bands to Indianize Chinook words and names in their community to a "more Indian-looking" form. Hence, for example, Kiy-oose for what had been Cayoose Creek , as though it were a St'at'imc word in origin (Cayoose Creek is the map/English band name of the reserve, but the adjoining creek it is named for is normally spelled Cayoosh Creek). The modern revival of the Chinuk-Wawa in Grand Ronde is proudly based on its creolization - its incorporation of more and more elements from the many languages in their multitribal community, and purgations of English and French elements, or at least totally Indianize their prononciation. The name conversions in BC are not so systematic, more a statement of identity, and an affirmation of the look/orthography of their traditional language: spell a Chinook name/word in the traditional-language spelling instead of in the pseudo-English spellings. Similarly, within local native tongues Chinook and/or French adaptions are spelled in the local format, and are often not taken for "foreign" words (mowitch for "deer/game" is a famous one on that account from Idaho to Alaska and throughout BC and WA and OR). Anyway, all of that to get to the point that I think it's a Puget Sound hybrid form of skookum/skokom (vowel harmonic contraction of some other effect, or just the local prononciation) plus that -mish, which is distinctly Salishan and not part of the regular Jargon as if there was a regular Jargon. It makes perfect sense to me that the -mish ending would be recognized by their immediate neighbours throughout the Sound and adjoining Straits and Coasts, because of the common roots built into Salishan tongues, different from each other as they so very much era. The mainstream Chinook Jargon, as emanating from the lower Columbia, would have had skookum win. I'd also suggest that your inherited translation of it as "brave people" rather than "strong wind" may be that the latter was taken by these people metaphorically that they are a strong wind etc. Skookum has all kinds of meanings, as I'm sure you know: skookum win can mean someone potent with life-force, strong-souled, or with really good cardio. All depends on when and in which context, and how you deliver it. But I don't know about Puget Sound Salishan tongues that much there's the Duguamish too, isn't there? As said, as far as I've ever heard, the -mish ending up here is "wind", but all Salishan tongues are subtle in how their consonants work and it might not be too far from -imc/emc to -mish. Skookum1 03:48, 23 May 2006 (UTC) Hey, so, old thread, but the claim that "Skokomish" comes from Chinook Jargon is found on several pages. I just did some research on it and concluded that the Chinook Jargon theory is not well substantiated in reliable sources, while there are plenty of good sources I know and trust (mostly) that agree on "Skokomish" being a Twana word meaning "river people". Lots of course point out the Twana word, spelled variously sqWuqWu'b3sH', sqʷuqʷóʔbəš, etc, contains the Twana word for water, spelled qWu, kaw, qʷú, etc Anglicized "ko", as in s-KO-komish (or perhaps repeated, s-KO-KO-mish, not sure). The Skokomish's own website points out on the front cover page the name sqWuqWu'b3sH, which when moused-over changed to "People of the River". So, given that source and William Bright (seemed the best and most reliable among many choices), I'm going to change the claim of Chinook Jargon origin to Twana on the several pages that say so. Just wanted to warn in advance! Pfly (talk) 07:23, 4 November 2010 (UTC) Also: William Bright on the -mish ending. He says it is from Lushootseed and means "people". He usually renders it -bš, as in dxʷsawʔábš, "Duwamish" (lit. 'people inside the bay'), or səhíʔwəbš, "Sahewamish", sc'abábš, "Sammamish", etc. And points out in every case, "the alternation of m and b is characteristic of languages in the Puget Sound area. Pfly (talk) 07:23, 4 November 2010 (UTC)

    There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Chipewyan people which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 09:13, 12 March 2014 (UTC)

    There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Yupik peoples which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 18:44, 13 March 2014 (UTC)

    The result of the move request was: not moved, because no policy-based rationale has been offered.
    The nominator is reminded that WP:UNDAB is an essay, not a policy or a guideline. An essay contains the advice or opinions of one or more Wikipedia contributors, and may usefully be cited as a place to read a particular line of reasoning, but should not be cited as if it represents a community consensus.
    The argument by BD2412 is unsupported by any policy, while CambridgeBayWeather's invocation of Wikipedia:Naming conventions (ethnicities and tribes) misrepresents that guideline it lists several possibilities for titles of articles for such groups of people, and notes that there are "several acceptable naming conventions". -- Brown HairedGirl (talk) • (contribs) 17:39, 12 April 2014 (UTC)

    Skokomish people → Skokomish – target is dab page created with two items by 67.75.229.103 on Sept 12 2003. People article began as Skokomish (tribe), then moved to "Skokomish tribe" by Kwami on Dec 13 2010, then reverted by him as he'd missed talkpages, then reverted to "Skokomish tribe" by him on the same date, then moved to current title by Uysvdi on Dec 13 2013 citing "renaming to disambiguate ethnic group article from federally recognized Skokomish Indian Tribe)" which is an invalid dab argument per WP:UNDAB. Skookum1 (talk) 07:10, 20 March 2014 (UTC)

    • Oppose until the issue is addressed properly. These should be discussed at a centralized location.
    • Support per nom. An identified people should be the primary topic of a term absent something remarkable standing in the way. bd2412T 02:39, 22 March 2014 (UTC)
    • Support as per the policy Wikipedia:Article titles#Use commonly recognizable names and the guideline Wikipedia:Naming conventions (ethnicities and tribes). There is no need to redo any guideline as it already supports the un-disabiguated title. CambridgeBayWeather (talk) 04:15, 22 March 2014 (UTC)

    The comment(s) below were originally left at Talk:Skokomish people/Comments , and are posted here for posterity. Following several discussions in past years, these subpages are now deprecated. The comments may be irrelevant or outdated if so, please feel free to remove this section.


    Revisiting the Skokomish Tribe’s FSC-Certified Harvest

    Skokomish Park at Lake Cushman is a scenic, 500-acre forest and campground on Lake Cushman in the Olympic Peninsula. Every year hundreds of campers visit the park to swim and fish on over 8 miles of freshwater shoreline and to hike and bike over 9 miles of trails.

    You wouldn’t know it from visiting, but Skokomish Park has gone through a number of legal changes over the years, ending in a land transfer as part of a large settlement. This settlement centered around the relicensing of two Tacoma Public Utilities operated dams on the North Fork of the Skokomish River, known as Cushman No. 1 Dam and Cushman No. 2 Dam. The settlement conditions included the conveyance of the Skokomish Park property to the Tribe. The property had once operated as Lake Cushman State Park under ownership of the City of Tacoma, and was closed and reopened under private management as Camp Cushman prior to the land transfer.

    Lake Cushman, with Skokomish Park in the foreground.

    The Skokomish Tribe hired NNRG to help steward its forests in 2014, when it brought in Kirk Hanson, NNRG’s Director of Forestry, to develop a forest management plan. Those forests — including more than 1,500 acres on the Skokomish Reservation and about 500 acres at Skokomish Park — held great potential for ecological forestry after maturing largely on their own for the last 80 to 100 years. The forests were generally overstocked, lacked diversity, and were vulnerable to disease and other mortality factors. A forest management plan was developed with the aim to develop the characteristics of a more mature, diverse, and robust stand that could provide a wide array of ecological benefits, including a variety of understory vegetation species and wildlife habitat. The plan is also intended to generate a sustainable return of high value timber products.

    In 2019 the Skokomish Tribe earned Forest Stewardship Council® certification (license code FSC-C008225 ) through NNRG’s FSC® group certificate for its 2,086-acre forest at the south end of Hood Canal in Mason County. This made it the first tribe in Washington state to gain FSC ® certification as a well-managed forest.

    FSC® certification & a commercial harvest for Skokomish Park

    The first certified harvest of Skokomish Park happened in 2019. Joseph Pavel, Director of Natural Resources for the Tribe, says the previous owners hadn’t been actively engaging in forest stewardship, and the neglect was visible on the forest floor. “It looked dark and gloomy. There wasn’t a lot of healthy understory vegetation, and the stand was too dense. We wanted it to look more open and park-like, with more species diversity. We also wanted to encourage more browsers and grazers.”

    This is a three-wheeled tree shear, used to cut and bunch marked trees.

    The logging operators used a ‘thin from below’ strategy, in which smaller-diameter trees are removed to create more light, nutrients, and room for other trees and understory to flourish.

    Operators navigated compact logging machines deftly between the trees to thin the forest without causing too much disturbance. Cut trees were dragged to log landings (openings in the forest created to stack the logs before shipping) on designated skid trails. Logging slash was scattered across the skid trails to speed up decomposition — and return nutrients to the soil.


    Watch the video: Chinook Salmon Spawning May 2018 Canterbury - New Zealand (August 2022).